The Manipur Project of NSCN-IM

The Manipur Project of NSCN-IM and its General Secretary, Th. Muivah has become all the more revealing if one looks at the recent socio-political development unfolding in Manipur. In other words, it has thrown up certain crucial issues pertaining to the movement of NSCN-IM in Manipur. At the outset, it is worthwhile to recall that the ‘Muivah/Manipur’ factor has been a stumbling block to the much awaited honourable solution to the Naga movement of Nagaland. In spite of the negative impact the above has on the integrity of the Nagas, Nagaland has given support to the callous demand of Muivah recognising his contribution in terms of resources and manpower. Thus, Nagaland has agreed and supported the Muivah faction to find an exit from Nagaland.

Another reason, why the Muivah project does not draw flak from the armed groups in Nagaland is that the armed Nagas of Nagaland have declared their intention to resolve the movement by and for the Nagas of Nagaland. Take for instance, in an exclusive interview to Nagaland Post during the observance of the 6th Unification Day at GPRN/NSCN’s Designated Camp at Khehoi (Thursday, 23 November 2012), Kitovi claimed, “The current talks between NSCN-IM and the Government of India (GoI) were confined only to the Naga inhabited areas in Manipur and thus, the alternative arrangement for the Nagas of Manipur has nothing to do with the Nagas of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam”. He further added, “Government of India, being a big country and a nation, their constitution is also very flexible. Although it is very bulky, it is flexible. But in the case of Nagas, the Government of India has set two rigid conditions – no sovereignty, no integration. So any solution that may come about between Government of India and Muviah cannot be applied beyond Manipur, since there is no question of integration.”

In the light of such developments, it is only reasonable to understand the predicament of the followers of Muivah in Manipur. What is more worrisome to them is about the fate of their cadres from Manipur in the days to come. Perhaps, few cadres close to the ‘top’ may fit in the absorption policy such as to the Indian forces but many will be left out. This reality has been a frustrating factor for the leaders of Manipuri Nagas within the movement. As a result, the movement for an honourable exit from Nagaland was started as a way of solving the problems highlighted above. Three attempts were made to push through the agenda but ended in failure. The failure can be said to be on account of being emotive and lack of clarity of vision. Emotional sensationalism, frustration and misinformation have been the characteristic features of the three attempts launched by Muivah.

First Attempt: Muivah’s Proposed Visit to Manipur

Having understood the grave situation of his followers and supporters in Manipur on account of the fallout of the 17-years long negotiation with GoI and in terms of the adamant response of other armed groups based in Nagaland as well as the people of Nagaland who do not accept them as part and parcel of Nagaland but see them as ‘outsiders’ or ‘impure Nagas’, Th. Muivah, a domicile of Manipur, made a strategic shift in his tactics. As a part of this new tactics, Muivah, with the permission of GoI, proposed a visit to his native village in Manipur and then to all the hill districts of Manipur. This had political overture, such as garner support in his vision of creating a political space (sic. Later on came to be known as alternative political arrangement outside the Government of Manipur). In addition, through the proposed visit, Muivah aimed at rejuvenating his otherwise dying movement.

In the proposed visit, government security personnel were expected to guarantee Muivah’s safety not by his armed cadres. It must be noted here that in the course of the tragic ridden Naga movement, many Nagas have died at the hands of the Indian security forces. Entrusting one’s security and life to a decade-long sworn enemy only proves that Muivah has succumbed to the inescapable tangle of Indian politics and turned collaborator. Another issue regarding the proposed visit concerns the means of transport which Muivah opted. A low profile air service (sic. helicopter) could have fulfilled his cherished dream of visiting his birth place. But the element of sensationalism and political loudness could be achieved only by surface transport, thus, Muivah’s choice of road trip. During the course of the movement, on numerous occasions, he must have visited his village many a times. But his sudden interest to visit his native village was a clear sign that he has given up the movement and he is more worried about the future of its cadres from Manipur than anything else. But simply giving up in this way would invite public ire and retaliations from his high profile cadres of Manipur. So, he looked for an ‘honourable exit’ by consulting with its core members in Manipur.

As expected, the proposed visit was stopped but ended in achieving Muivah’s dream of creating an ethnic divide. Later, a propaganda video message, which Muivah spoke in Manipuri (sic. Meiteilon), was circulated in the name of Naga rights and as a way of cementing the fractured Nagas in Manipur. This was the last and first attempt in which Muivah involved himself.

Second Attempt: Demand for Alternative Arrangement

The second attempt, i.e. demand for alternative arrangement was left to the frontal organisations of NSCN-IM with tactical and financial support from Hebron. This time, parties and civil society organisations based in Nagaland did not openly support as they did in the first campaign because they considered it to be a Manipuri issue. Within a year of Muivah’s proposed visit, the campaign for alternative arrangement was initiated albeit without defining the meaning and scope of alternative arrangement. It is more akin to an exercise of releasing frustration without having any basis or direction. Take for instance, one of the main organisers of the campaign, United Naga Council (UNC), came out with a private circulation in which they talked about severing ties from the Government of Manipur (GoM) but without talking about alternative arrangement. Moreover, they could not persuade a single Naga to do so. This brings us to the conclusion that UNC is merely implementing a programme to remain accountable to the higher authorities. The analysis of this campaign was discussed in our article “Alternative Arrangement and the Nagas of Manipur” (The Sangai Express, Imphal, December 11, 2011).

The campaign for alternative arrangement is a mere exercise of keeping under certain order the frustrated and misinformed Manipuri Nagas, particularly, the cadres who have dedicated their lives for the movement. Besides, it is also a mechanism to keep them engaged. The campaign will start whenever NSCN-IM does not have anything to share or are scared to share the progress and/or retreat of the negotiation with GoI. For instance, GoI has firmly denied sovereignty and integration of Naga inhabited areas into a single politico-administrative unit. Inspite of this, NSCN-IM and its frontal organizations continue to misinform the Manipuri Nagas that everything is going on well and an honourable solution is forthcoming. Over and above, sections of Manipuri Nagas, who are aware of the truth desist from making it public for fear of armed retaliation.

Third Attempt: Campaign of Communal Politics

With the waning of the campaign for alternative arrangement, a new strategy to engage the Nagas has been devised under the campaign of communal politics. In the process, UNC and other frontal organizations of NSCN-IM have been calling GoM as a as ‘communal government’ without explicating in what ways it is being so or what constitutes communal politics. In fact, “communal” and “communal government” have become the most favourite and oft-repeated catch words of UNC and others in their press releases. The Momoko incident is a testimony to this affliction. When justice for Momoko was demanded, none of the agitators demanded for punishment of a “Anal” Livingstone or a “Naga” Livingstone or a “Christian” Livingstone or a “Hao” Livingstone but simply demanded punishment of a criminal called Livingstone, who happened to be an NSCN-IM cadre. But UNC and other NSCN-IM frontal organizations likened it to be a case of “communal” politics.

Calling a name is easier than proving the basis. This seems to be the problem of NSCN-IM and its funded organizations. What they failed to understand is that communal politics is a politics based on religion for short term gains. If they feel that government of Manipur is communal, then to whom. Is it to the Chin-Kuki-Mizos and the Nagas, who are predominantly Christians, or to the Meitei Pangals who follow Islam or to other faiths? The answer is a big “No”. None of them feels that the government is communal except those who are returning home empty-handed after years of negotiation with GoI and aggressively and exclusively looking for an honourable space for themselves. Perhaps, “communal” is the only plank on which the campaign for alternative arrangement can be built and the only bargaining chip to throw to GoI when all others have failed.

Dancing to the Tune of Reality

It is political sagacity to be able to foresee the future and dance according to the tune of reality. Muivah and NSCN-IM leadership remains to be appreciated at least on these grounds. When limited options are available and faced with the potential crisis of the cadres, and above all, having learnt from history (sic. the Mizo Accord), Muivah is right to push ahead with the agenda of saving himself as well as close associates in Manipur. Apprehension on the part of the Muivah followers has been captured by the Morung Express, (January 4, 2013) when it reported, “UNC delegation is expected to visit Hebron camp in Dimapur soon and meet the NSCN-IM General Secretary Th. Muivah and Chairman Isak Chishi Swu to get a clear picture about what the Nagas of Manipur can expect in the event of a final solution to the ongoing Indo-Naga peace talks”. In the light of such developments, campaign for alternative arrangement is a political move to assuage the tensed minds and thus, a logical outcome. Not only this, on the material front, too, NSCN-IM leadership has also given permission to its cadres to amass wealth from any available sources as a move to appease them. The sanction given to Jubiliant Energy for oil explorations in Manipur and illegal chromite mining in Ukhrul District are indicative examples. Articulating communalism as the basis of alternative arrangement and destruction of Manipur by MNCs, will only lead to destruction of all the communities in Manipur. Is NSCN-IM willing to pay the price?

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, January 20, 2013 

Hundred & Still in the Company of the Hoi Polloi

Today, in celebrating our hundredth article, we wish to share with our readers, few queries that have constantly bombarded us. People have often asked us why we have given our column such a weird name and demanded to know who the hell is Yenning and evenmore, what “keeps us writing”. First, our name. “Hoi Polloi” stands for the common people. “Mundanity” has two meanings. It stands for ordinariness or worldliness, or otherwise sophistication. Thus, in the first instance, it can be the quality of being commonplace and ordinary. Secondly, it can also be the quality or character of being intellectually sophisticated and worldly through cultivation or experience or disillusionment. While we firmly attest to the claim that we are very much part of and for the hoi polloi, it is left to the readers to give us the second meaning, the meaning of “Mundanity”. All we can say is that disillusionment largely dictated our concern for the hoi polloi, given the decadence our society has plunged into. And we have attempted not only to paint the decadence in all its varied hues and colours but also give you company as a story teller. We believe every society needs a story teller, more so for a decadent society – either to democratize our fears or to gather the people together for emancipation. Finally, “Yenning” as the columnist. Ah, it’s just a pen name! You don’t want to reveal yourself too much in Manipur, do you?

We started our journey on Tuesday, the 26^thMay, 2009 not with the idea of leading or teaching the common mass but to share our stories. On Sunday, the 11^thof November, 2012, we completed 100 articles. Right from the beginning we were clear that we’re not the Owl of Minerva – the emblem of penetrating sight and intelligence. A land as ancient as ours has no dearth of intellectuals. It is a fact that humbles us and keeps us rooted. We also held a firm belief close to our hearts that Manipur is a reading society. Devoid of this basic premise our exercise would have been rendered futile and meaningless. We are proud to have inherited the rich heritage of writing and storytelling from our ancestors, powerful mediums for storing and circulation of knowledge, and above all, the art of resistance against injustice. For example, while Puyas serve as storehouse of knowledge as well as sources of history, stories narrated through Khongjom Parba, tells us of a war against the British (Anglo-Manipur War 1891), which our ancestors knew would be lost but fought because it was about justice and patriotism. Without these elements, amongst others, our civilization would have crumbled beyond redemption. Our aim was, thus, to follow the footsteps of our forefathers, share with the people and at the same time to let them know that there are (different) ways of thinking.Over and above, injustice can be resisted as numerous historical incidences such as the Thoubal Resistance, Kuki Rebellion and Anti-Pothang movement, etc.during British colonialism have shown, and only the hoi polloi can salvage our society from decadence.

In our tortuous journey, over a span of hundred articles, we have encountered the usual difficulty a columnist faces. But first of all, why do we call it tortuous? Tortuous because writing or storytelling like poetry and other art forms, which attempt at recovery or emancipation or redemption or salvation of the self or the society,are political acts.It is bound to attract criticisms, which is not at all bad. In fact, every writer wishes to get feedbacks (positive or negative) on their write-ups. It is very much normal to have “friends” or “foes” during a writer’s lifetime. But in a fragmented and conflict ridden society like ours, criticisms tend to cross the limit of the written texts, the pages of the newspaper or the inbox of e-mail.

That Manipur stands divided against itself in several ways is a truism. Fragmentation is manifested in multiple ways. Take for instance, the rich and powerful are divided in their support for the State (sic. Indian State). Similarly, State Assembly is divided concerning its own powers vis-à-vis the Central Government and its military apparatus. Division within the society runs deep – on the line of religion, ethnicity and region. Inequalities in wealth are huge. Finally, the prevailing armed conflict means that Manipur has become militarily divided. All these divisions cut across one another which ultimately have a tolling effect on ordinary human lives and their existence. Manipur reflects the pre-social and pre-political Hobbesian state, wherein life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and unbelievably short. Bare life has becomes a spectacle in Manipur. In such a situation, people who engage themselves in the pursuit of unraveling the ontological issues of our existence at such a historical stage of our civilizational trajectory or the creative world of recovery are often at the receiving end.To begin with, the chances of branding tend to be very high and a writer or a storyteller, or for that matter an artist, can end up becoming the usual suspect of either siding with a group or another.Life can be easily jeopardized. Such incidences make our journey a tortuous one. We cannot imagine a better world in the immediate future. Take for instance our predicament, once the Unique Identification Number (UID/Aadhar), which gives easy access to the State one’s personal identity for surveillance, becomes fully operational. One’s fundamental rights including freedom of expression as well as the right to privacy will be curtailed. A more sinister political environment can be expected especially in places where there is already imposition of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. Under such circumstances, a pseudonym such as Yenning cannot be of any help to protect oneself. Nevertheless, we take heart from the simple fact (from historical experiences as well) that suppression, repression and domination also unleashes the most creative force in human beings who dream of a better world. And the legends of resistance by the unknown and the forgotten have made us steadfast.

Today, while celebrating our small achievement in completing 100 articles, we take the opportunity to admit our shortcomings. Similar to majority of the columnists, Yenning, too, have had patches of writer’s block. At times, creativity simply dries up and such a state of mind is responsible for our irregularity.We also render our sincere apologies for the hotchpotch writings we resorted to at times for the heck of filling up the space of the column, thereby wasting a precious space which should have otherwise gone to a more deserving article.We thank the Sangai Express (English) team, especially Editor Rajesh, for bearing with us .As much as we endeavoured to be honest, we also appreciate the honest-scathing remarks we received from our readers. Thank you for outrightly pointing out that many of our articles are too rigid, dry and unpalatable, and finally, for suggesting to us what types of articles are to be written to draw the attention of the readers. While we assure to grow with you, improve and respond to your genuine suggestions, we are at the same time sorry to decline your request for uploading our profile shot or rather mugshot (photograph) to spice up our space.That will surely compromise our anonymity.

Indeed we are fortunate to have been in the company of the hoi polloi. Without you, Hoi Polloi & Mundanity would have been a void devoid of meaning. Honestly, the 100 mark would have been an unreachable milestone without you. Further, we salute our co-columnists at the Sangai Express who are on the same journey. Donn Morgan who was with us when we started our journey for his swashbuckling style of writing, Maisnam Chanu Liklainu for sharing her valuable memoirs at JNU and constant connection with the outside world, Ranjan Yumnam for his skillful journalistic writings, (who says bureaucrats cannot write; kudos to both Liklainu and Ranjan), revered Dr. Irengbam Mohendra Singh for his engagement with the existence of God and who constantly teaches us about our roots, Urmila Chanam for her Sunday Sentiments, Sanatombi Angomcha for demanding an intellectual revolution in Manipur and for spicing up the Sangai Express with her Manipuri words, and others who promised to be with us but did not keep up the tryst. We welcome Arambam Kapil, an artist, who has recently joined us. Last but not the least, we want to appreciate the e-pao team for selecting our articles from time to time and webcasting them to a larger number of readers.

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, November 18, 2012

Celebrating Gandhi Jayenti in a Conflict Zone

The Government of India as a token of acknowledgement declared 2nd October, 2011 as a national holiday celebrating the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi. He was fondly remembered for his ideas of self-sufficiency, grassroots governance and non-violent struggle against the mighty British. Even though Gandhi did not travel to Manipur, his idea and style of protest was seen in the early 20th century. Some even claimed themselves Gandhi’s followers. The struggle in Manipur was different from Gandhi’s movement as Manipur was a British Protectorate, not a occupied territory. Thus, the Armed Forces Special Power Ordinance 1942 (AFSPO) which was imposed against the Quit India Movement did not apply in Manipur. Now, it is the contradictory. Manipur is under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 (AFSPA)-the democratic India version of Armed Forces Special Power Ordinance 1942. Unfortunately, the democratic (sic Indian) version of AFSPA is more draconian than its colonial predecessor, permitting even a non-commissioned officer to killed anyone on mere suspicion. In the case of coloniser (AFSPO)- a written order and officer of the rank of captain and above can only executed the Ordinance. Thus, it was claimed by many particularly who witnessed both the British Protectorate and democratic India that the human rights situation was better during British Protectorate.

Manipur was already in the process of independence when Quit India Movement under the leadership of Gandhi was escalated. It is worth recalling that the British Cabinet Mission suggested on 12th May 1946 that the British paramountcy over other princely states would lapse after their departure. Thus Manipur regained her independence after the British left. The King proposed to surrender power to the people through a Constitution and on 15th May, 1947, Manipur Draft Constitution was ready and on 26th July 1947, Manipur State Constitution Act was adopted. So, Gandhi’s movement was seen more of a lesson from a neighbour. He died physically on January 30, 1948 but his idea was killed or the process of uprooting his ideas was processed consciously or unconsciously by the people who swore to bear the responsibility to cloth, food and shelter the people of India. For instance, the leaders especially Patel were close to the Business house class and looked to private capitalists to affect the industrial modernization of India. Partha Chatterjee argued that the nationalists were committed to the establishment of modern, western style institution in the public sphere, and their criticism of colonial rule was precisely that it restricted or even violated the principles of modern government in India (cited in Corbridge, Stuart & Harris, John., 2000, Reinventing India: Liberalization , Hindu Nationalism and Popular democracy, Oxford University Press, New Delhi). Similarly, Dr. MC Arun in a discussion on Doordarshan as a part of 2011 Gandhi Jayenti celebration has clearly elaborated the process.

The Indian state, perhaps as a legacy from its colonisers-the British, adopted the model of western concept of nationhood and tried to construct its national history and consequently it’s nation-state in the single narrative. As part of the project, it evolves a national culture, adopts a national language, interprets its history, specific academic curricula and medium of instruction, declares public holidays, select national heroes, adopts certain rituals of ceremonial national culture, which the state tries to inculcate in all its citizens. But it is not neutral; it tends to express the culture of the dominant community (Sheth, D,L & Nandy, Ashis, (1996), (edt) Introduction in The Multiverse of Democracy- Essays in Honour of Rajni Kothari, Sage Publication, New Delhi). This is how the Gandhi Jayenti celebration emerged in Manipur. Having not much idea how to celebrate, the people of Manipur along with the government emphasis more on cleaning activities rather than the ideas of Gandhi. But since the last decades, these activities have reduced drastically and it remains a government activity. For instance, this year celebration was marked by the cleaning activities conducted by SPs of Imphal East and West. On contrary, the NATIONAL CLEANLINESS DAY which is celebrated on 30 January is insignificant.

However, the United Nations celebrated the day as an International Day of Non-Violence, which is more meaningful to Manipur. But this day is celebrated more by the non-state actors who are struggling for the rights and livelihood of the people of Manipur. Besides, the non-violent movement of Irom Sharmila has legitimised the celebration. The state either consciously or unconsciously ignored to celebrate in a bigger way like other UN declared days. It may be because of the fact that any movement either violent or non-violent is always responded violently by the state. So they must have felt that celebrating International Day of Non-Violence in the land of violence is a waste of time and energy. Money is not a problem as it always flows from the Centre. 

On the contrary, the state is getting more and more militarized with the support of central government in the name of counter-insurgency via national security, in spite of Ministry of Home Affairs  claiming that (annual report 2010-11) “the security situation in Manipur is improving with noticeable decline in incidents of violence and casualties of civilian and personnel of Security Forces in 2010 as compared to last year”. Besides the scheme for reimbursement of Security Related expenditure (SRE) for States seriously affected by insurgents. As of 02.02.2011 since 2000-01, Manipur received a sum of Rs 185.73 crore for the SRE. In the name of assisting the State Governments for augmenting and upgrading the police forces, nine Indian Reserve Battalions (IRB) have been sanctioned. As on 1.1. 2007, seven IRBs was have been raised so far. Another parallel stream of assistance is the  police modernization scheme. Manipur gets 100 per cent assistance for being included in the “A” category states. As of 17.02.2011, Manipur received Rs 213.87 crore since 2000-01.

The state government has 10695 Armed Police as on 31.12.2009 (Men + Women) against the sanctioned post of 14413.  In addition, there is  8541 Civil Police Including District Armed Police as on 31.12.2009 (Men + Women) against the sanctioned post of 14964. There are also 2211 Home Guards and Auxiliary Force During 2009 (Crime in India 2009, National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, 2010). Thus the strength of state forces is increasing in the last decade. Besides the state forces, Central Paramilitary Forces (CRPF and BSF) numbering around 10, 450 are deployed in Manipur; Assam Rifles has 26 battalions; and Army has 10 battalions. Each battalion has an approximate strength of 1000 security personnel (Democracy ‘Encountered’: Rights’ Violations in Manipur, Independent Citizens’ Fact Finding Report, November 2009).

With the increase in security forces either by recruitment or by deployment of central forces, the number of militant groups are also increasing. In July 20, 2009, Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh informed the Assembly  that there are more than 30 militant groups in Manipur including 10 KCP factions. Interestingly, all these expansion of security forces as well as increase in factions are mostly seen since 2000. This period also marks the most ever stable government “ Secular Progressive Front” led by Congress in the history of Manipur. This period is also remembered for the maximum number of people killed.

So the whole brains of the state must be busy maintaining, upgrading or expanding the security forces (state and Union). But the state government celebrates the Gandhi  Jayenti as so to impress the national leaders to clear their fund flow. Similarly, The Union Government is actively promoting and supporting these functions before the international community but their reason is different. They need to make the international community feel that the Indian Government is respecting the Gandhian principles which by virtue of being a developing country is not upholding in reality. Violence or military crackdown is the response for any dissident voice in the nation building process. If ever they were concerned, they could have celebrated the International Day of Non-Violence which is more significant in Manipur. The celebration will not only acknowledge the conflict situation but can also be an initiative for peace process. When the Government of India is not willing to celebrate International Day of Non-Violence in commemoration of MK Gandhi’s (fondly called father of the nation ) birth anniversary (October 2), its sincerity to herald peace in conflict zones  would automatically come under intense scrutiny. Or should we sum up that the Government of India is committed to violence ?

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, October 7, 2012 

Disconnection Drive: Short Circuiting Power Crisis

A threadbare discussion on issues and management of power supply in Manipur was held recently in Manipur Press Club for two days, on June 9 and 10 which was jointly organised by the Senior Citizens for Society, Manipur and All Manipur Working Journalists' Union under the sponsorship of the Joint Electricity Regulatory Commission for Manipur and Mizoram (JERCMM) and Electricity Department, Government of Manipur. The whole proceedings of the workshop was telecast live in local news channel. The exercise was a complete one in the sense that almost all the stakeholders––power consumers’ associations, senior citizens, journalists, officials of Electricity Department including the Chief Engineer and human right activists were present, but the outcome is rather disappointing. It is not sure what recommendations were adopted at the end of the two-day workshop or if any recommendations were adopted after all. Not long after the workshop was concluded, the Power Department came up with an electrifying idea of re-launching power disconnection drive all over the valley districts, this time more intensively with the extra whip of registering criminal cases against unauthorised consumers and defaulters.

What is rather mystifying is that all the suggestions, ideas, inputs and problems shared during the two-day workshop seemed to have been thrown down the gutter. It appears Electricity Department or for that matter the Government of Manipur cannot think beyond harassment of consumers. Like in the said workshop, it was pointed out again and again to the Government that the power crisis gripping Manipur for the past many decades is a systematic failure and that the department as well as the Government are no less guilty than the power consumers, both authorised and unauthorised.

It was only last year that the Power Department woke up to the crippling power crisis when three sons of the soil filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) against the State Government in connection with erratic power supply. As a response or rather as a reaction to the PIL, electricity department initiated a rigorous drive against the defaulters and unauthorised (illegal) power consumers under the Manipur Electricity Regulation Act 2003. The drive resulted in the disconnection of many defaulters and put some of the unauthorised consumers behind the bar (as reported in newspapers). Then it ended without achieving anything substantial except for harassment and victimization of some poor consumers.

Now again, not long after the highly educative two-day workshop at Manipur Press Club, Electricity Department has re-launched the same drive, this time with the more mortifying weapon of registering criminal cases against power consumers. It is now clear the Electricity Department learnt nothing from the workshop. What a waste of time and public money ? The officials participating in the workshop stated that there are around two lakh unauthorised power consumers in Manipur. Then the pertinent question is, will the State Government register criminal cases against all of them and put them behind bars. If the department and the Government is committed to penalise all the defaulters without partiality and uniformly, then the current drive demands 20 huge jails which can accommodate 10,000 people each.

The ongoing drive of the electricity department to fish out the defaulters and illegal consumers with the help of state police, though appears justified and legitimate to some but to many it sounds like thunderbolt coming out of nowhere and the very act is unjustified and untimely. The action is too harsh because most of the consumers have to sell their belongings (property) to clear the dues in order to get the light. Another point is that most of the defaulters and unauthorised consumers belong to the poorer section that may not be in a position to clear the dues. Many are AAY and BPL card holders who are getting PDS items because of their poor economic condition. The crux point is, would they be able to clear their dues at one go. Definitely not, then what is the solution? One of the interesting points is the calculation of dues based on compound interest. This remind us of old feudal era where big landlords exploited and appropriated labour and property of the peasants and farmers. In fact compound interest is a kind of theft committed in broad day light by using arithmetic. This system must have no room within a democracy. One crucial point which we seem to have forgotten is to analyse the reason why around eighty per cent of the consumers fail to give electric bill.

Are this 80 per cent of the power consumers the so-called irresponsible citizens who are defying a responsible Government ? Here we would like to say that ‘responsible Government sounds like something alien in this buffer State of Manipur. We would come back to that topic in another issue. Talking about the ongoing disconnection drive, it has inadvertently reconfigured the rich and the poor into a new division between the responsible, ideal and model citizenship on one hand, and the irresponsible, condemnable and uncivilised, on the other. In this new distribution of the norms of model citizenship, it is the poorer section of the society who bears the brunt of the assault and remains “merely” the irresponsible citizen. One also needs to understand how the “irresponsible, condemnable and uncivilised” cannot be made civilised within the regime of thought that the current scheme of improvement carries. Seen from the moral high ground of the liberal moralists, there is a serious lack of capacity, albeit, failure on the part of those who do not pick up the electric bills and “illegally” tap electricity in order to become a responsible citizenship. And this is why, as they would grumble, there is a general attitude of apathy. For example, one runs something like, “sarkargee oiradi keisu kaide” (if it is a Government property, it does not matter). Here, we must understand that such attitude was not imbibed out of nowhere. It took a long process. It was bred, cultured and nurtured within the socio-political system of the State with active involvement of the State itself. Then should the blame go only to power consumers?

Such an attitude is, as they (sic. liberal moralists) argue, a regressive attitude, a sign of immaturity that is born out of a lack of civic values and the sense of civil capability required in order to live in a civilised order. To Yenning, what they fail to fathom, however, is a serious political element that is prominently displayed when illegal consumers just refuse to be legal, and therefore, defy to become responsible citizenship. What they do not understand, still more, is how the poor, illegal and irresponsible citizens resist the diktats of the Government in a different form. In this connection, the Government need to ponder why the massive majority of the citizens are poised to defy its diktats.

This attitude is not to be misunderstood as apathy and lack of civic virtue. This is, on the contrary, a serious move of resistance which is widely circulated in the non-bourgeois space where notions of civic and public are constituted in different forms with different articulations. Those who do not and cannot pay the bills and legally connect themselves to the power line would share this line among themselves. This is the language they speak and which the Government would not sit back to understand. In the official vocabulary of the Government, those who do not pay for electricity owned by the Government and its corporate partners are either defaulters or thieves. As we have commented last year in the wake of the previous disconnection drive, what the officials of the Government cannot understand is the meaning of the acts of defaulting and thievery in the way the defaulters and thieves alone do.

Now the moot question is: “Will the poorer people suddenly change their attitude and be ready to comply with the diktats of the electricity department?”

If we are not wrong, the recent workshop on issues and power supply management in Manipur was organised with the primary objective of finding a viable solution to the lingering power crisis rather than blaming one another between consumers and the Electricity Department as was stated by many speakers during the workshop.

Considering the various flaws of the Electricity Department and unnecessary tension and anxiety resulting out of the current drive, we would like to put down the following few suggestions;

Give a time period to the consumers to clear their dues and allow them to clear the bill on instalment basis.

Reduce the per unit charge of electricity to the affordable level that is rupees 3 per unit.

Stop archaic feudal style of taxing by removing compound interest in the calculation of electric bill.

Looking at the poor economic status of the general public and likely economic burden that may be resulted from their efforts to clear the due, we demand fifty percent waiving of the dues in the interest of the poorer section of the society, if not 100 per cent as demanded by a respected speaker at the recent workshop.

Last but not the least, if the Power Department cannot think beyond the disconnection drive which is at best the worst superficial treatment of the deep-rooted systematic failure, the power crisis would continue to plaque Manipur for many more years and sure enough, the present drive will end with a short circuit just like the previous one.

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, July 1, 2012 

Closing the Eyes of the Crab: Unsettling News & the Naga Reality

Unsettling news

Few incidents in the past few days have proved to be “news” for those keenly following the Naga affairs. These have proved to be “news” for not only revealing the nationalist character or rather design/approach of resolving the years-old Indo-Naga political problem but also for revealing the faultlines prevalent within the Nagas, the undercurrents of which pose a challenge to the rhetoric of Naga uniqueness and solidarity and above all to the very idea of Naga itself (chiefly voiced by NSCN-IM). At the same time, the news are unsettling, in the sense that they invoke a sense of déjà vu or a grim reminder of troubled times ahead for the Nagas in their quest for peace and an honourable solution, which seems to be already foreclosed (at least for NSCN-IM and sympathisers).

Rejection of NSCN Core Demands: The Nationalist Design

Of the three news items pertaining to the Naga affairs, the Kolkata based Telegraph screamed the loudest, perhaps by virtue of being a national daily or perhaps on account of its substantial content, which seemed to allay the fears of the non-Nagas in the three neighbouring states of Nagaland, arising out of the proposed creation of a Supra State body as a means of bringing solution to the vexed Naga problem. Its Wednesday edition carried the headlines, “PM Rules Out NSCN Core Demands: Rio Plea for Right Choice” (Kolkota, April 18, 2012). Telegraph reported that the 15-year talks between the Centre and the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) appears to be heading for a deadlock with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveying his government’s inability to accept the outfit’s (NSCN-IM) core demands. The Centre has “ruled out” among others “sovereignty”, more “federal power” and “integration of contiguous Naga areas” to hammer out a solution to the more than 60-year-old Indo-Naga political problem. The report further claimed that the Chief Minister of Nagaland, Neiphiu Rio, who met the Prime Minister recently, indicated that the Centre was not in a position to accept the core demands of the NSCN. The news report reproduced Mr. Rio’s quotation of the Prime Minister’s remarks, “Whatever is possible will be possible even after 100 years but whatever is not possible will not be possible even after 100 years”.

Nationalist ethos largely created by the pangs of partition (partition of Bengal as well as Punjab) has been recapitulated by the remarks of the Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. Put in otherwise, the young nation-state that India is, cannot afford to fragment her territory anymore. What emerges here is also the reality/logic of modernity deeply ingrained in the blood and flesh of the modern nation-states. While the logic of the nation-states recognises and acknowledges historicity of any movement, it also uses history as a tool to nullify such movements by invoking the logic of irreversibility of history itself. Thus, sovereignty of the Nagas, or, for that matter, any other aspiring nation-state is an impossible proposition to the Indian state. The news report merits attention not only for the element of deadlock in the Indo-Naga peace talks but also for the larger political movements in India based on sovereignty.

Naga Socio-metrics: Inherent Faultlines versus the Idea of Naga

While the nationalist and unitary spirit of the Indian State (sic. denying more “federal power”) has been captured by the remarks of the Prime Minister, it also equally reflects the vigilant character of the Indian State in terms of “recognising” the faultlines inherent within the Naga society, therefore, the rejection of “integration of contiguous Naga areas.” It is an undeniable fact that there are oppositions to the proposed integration from the affected states such as Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur. But the more serious threat to the proposed integration ensues not from external factors but from the internal socio-metrics of the Nagas. The tragedy is ability of the Indian State to pick up such faultlines and endorse in their engagement with the Nagas.

Take for example, on the same day Telegrapgh reported the stand of the Prime Minister, the Dimapur based Morung Express carried the headlines, “GRPN/NSCN Lauds Khaplang’s Peace Truce”. It reported, “GPRN/NSCN will extend all possible help towards the suffering of the Naga brothers living in Myanmar and expressed its hope that Nagas of Myanmar will create no more problems or confusion towards the political destination of Nagaland”. It further added, “The political fate of Nagaland should be left to the people of Nagaland…as appealed by the Naga Hoho and various NGOs in the past”. GPRN/NSCN expressed the view that the political destiny of Nagas of Myanmar should be left to his Excellency the President SS Khaplang, NSCN (K) and political destiny of Nagas of Nagaland be left to the people of Nagaland.

The press release not only laid bare the long standing chasm on factional lines but also an imagery of the Nagas limited by territory or rather a geographical construct. Unconsciously, NSCN-IM has treaded the modernity path, and thus, the instrumental construction of two Naga identities, which in fact is detrimental to the overall Naga movement. In doing so, NSCN-IM has given room for maneuverability to its negotiating partner, the Indian State.

The challenge to the idea of Naga does not end with the political articulation of Naga on territorial or factional lines. It is much deeper if one takes into account recent unfolding of events at the socio-metric level. Few years back, an ultimatum was served by Naga civil society bodies in Dimapur against the Tangkhuls to vacate the town. Tangkhuls were taken as squatters and occupiers. Mind you, the ultimatum was not served not on the behest of any factional Naga insurgent outfit but by the “natives”, who considered the commercial and economic expansion of the Tangkhuls as encroaching upon their land. Similar notices were served by the local population in Kohima, Khuzuma and others to prevent Naga traders from Senapati District of Manipur from doing business in these places. The notices were served as “cheap” (read low priced) vegetables from the Manipuri Nagas were killing the local traders in the local markets and also, the vegetables were “inorganic”, and thus, unhealthy.

Coming to the most recent incident, local dailies painted Manipur black and white with the news of six Jessami (Ukhrul District, Manipur) villagers beaten up by Melurie (Phek District, Nagaland) villagers and taken hostage to Nagaland (“Armed men from across the border abduct six Jessami villagers; Late night release defuse tension”, The Sangai Express, Imphal, April 19, 2012). While Tangkhuls are the inhabitants of Jessami (Ukhrul District), Chakesangs are the majority in Phek District. Tension gripped Manipur-Nagaland border areas after six Jessami villagers were beaten up black and blue by heavily armed Nagas from Melurie Village and taken hostage to Nagaland. Huyen Lanpao, Imphal reported, “The villagers of Melorie have been encroaching upon and using the lands of Jessami village under the protection of Nagaland Arm Police, which has opened a post within the territory of Manipur. This led to regular tensions between the villagers of two villages on either side of Manipur-Nagaland border”. Further, the report added, “The villagers of Jessami have appealed to the State Government to safeguard their lives and properties and help them in protecting the territory of Manipur.” In fact, the hostages were released only after intervention of the State Government. At present, there is demand for installation of IRB post to prevent incursion of Nagas from Nagaland and further escalation of problems at the border area.

Closing the eyes of the crab

The Jessami incident and others mentioned above debunks the idea of Naga people as cohesive and therefore, our understanding is that the idea of political destiny of Nagas leaving to the Naga people as articulated by NSCN-IM remains problematic. In fact, it is a political rhetoric, which has not gone unnoticed from the vigilant eyes of the Indian State. Moreover, the “reconciliation” drive initiated by various Naga bodies has not been able to solve the complex socio-metrics operating at the grassroot level.

The isolated news elaborated in this edition when read together reveals the uniqueness of the Naga reality. As a commentator puts it, the Naga situation is like the age-old Sumi proverb: "difficulty of closing the eyes of the crab". The situation of Naga political movement is such, something that is haywire and something seemingly impossible. This reality has been sidelined by many, for example, NSCN-IM and its frontal organization, the United Naga Council and others, who are involved in the movement. The reality is that taking cognizance of the ground reality the Indian State has rejected the core demands of NSCN-IM. The second reality is the complex socio-metrics working at the ground level. For example, the Nagas of Nagaland want only their citizens to determine their future. And lastly, the people of Manipur particularly the common Nagas are less bothered about the project spearheaded by NSCN-IM. What they are concerned about is the security of their land and lives, which they believe are being threatened by Nagas from across the border, not the non-Nagas of Manipur can only be secured by the Government of Manipur, agency of the Indian State.

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, April 22, 2012

Dubious Electoral System : Republic or Oligarchy

Photographs don’t lie

Thanks to the new system of taking voters’ photographs and subsequent comparison with their photographs affixed on Elector Photo Identity Cards (EPICs), the real character of the Indian republic has been exposed to the core like never before. For the first time, it has been proven beyond doubt that people are mere pawns in the nasty game called electoral politics. 2012 would go down the history of Indian elections as one of the most significant years and Manipur would inevitably occupy a prominent position in the annals of Indian republic for it is in this tiny Northeastern State that voters’ photographs were taken and compared with their EPIC photographs for the first time. Since the Indian republic came into being, the periodical elections have been grand festivals of showdown between rival candidates in the form of flexing muscle power, throwing money power and browbeating ignorant or rather innocent voters. It were those candidates who were stronger and richer that won the elections. The question of popularity or competency never figured in the electoral system of India, officially called the Republic of India. The result is there for all to see. Almost one-third of the Indian MPs have multiple criminal records and around half of them are millionaires.

However, all along, the mass were made to believe that they were electing their own representatives and that they could elect candidates of their own choice. The powerful media and the far-reaching state propaganda machinery have been churning out edifice after edifice of false propaganda and lies misleading the unsuspecting public. We wonder the present set of MLAs and MPs, and their predecessors, the so-called representatives were actually elected or selected. We just cannot imagine the degree of electoral malpractices and arm-twisting tactics that our sitting MLAs and MPs would have probably employed in the previous elections when there was no restraining order and there was no polling day photography as witnessed this time. And we call them our representatives and the country a republic. How silly of us ! It is in fact the candidates who decided their own fates during elections, not the mass. Winning or losing an election all depended on how many millions a candidate can spend, how effectively he/she can employ all sorts of arm-twisting tactics and how much he/she can hoodwink the mass by means of volumes and volumes of lies, and of course impressive promises which would never see the light of day. After all the rival candidates have utilised all the resources and wits, it is again Darwin’s Theory of Natural Selection, not the mass which would ultimately elect the most capable (sic culpable) candidate to the State Assembly or the Parliament.

Criminalisation of Politics

The functioning of Indian electoral system has experienced a number of disadvantages and shortcomings. The inconsistency between the votes registered for a party and the seats conquered in State Assembly or Parliament, the multitude of political parties, personality cult in party system, utilization of communal allegiances and armed hoodlums, excessive employment of muscle and money power, wrongful utilization of governmental machinery, corruptive exercises like booth-capturing, intimidation and impersonation of voters are ubiquitous negative features of Indian electoral system.

Election offences range from the physical conquest of booths to the mobilization of youth organs of parties or armed thugs who could target and intimidate certain sections of people or communities prior to the election either to give votes in favour of the candidates they are working for or completely stay away from voting. It is also not untrue that sometimes the polling officials are bribed and cajoled into indirect acceptance at certain levels of the election process. Only the polling officials can give a satisfactory explanation for the sheer large number of mismatching photographs as well as for the photographs taken in certain polling stations of Andro AC which have mysteriously turned out blank. The threat of booth occupation has been prevalent from the days of second general election of 1957, particularly in Bihar. The incident slowly and steadily was diffused throughout the country in various kinds and degrees.

The growing tendency for criminalization in elections obliged parallel ballooning of election expenditure. In addition to bribing voters individually, it has also come into vogue to hire musclemen or armed hoodlums who could assure triumph by seizing booths or frightening voters. This practice significantly accelerated the pace of criminalisation of politics and the rise of politician-underworld network. In the course of time, the criminals themselves began participating in elections instead assisting or sponsoring others. On some occasions the politicians considered it essential to politicize the bureaucracy to operate in consonance of the ruling party on the eve of election. The official machinery is exploited to amass data on political competitors. The official machinery serves useful in hiring crowds, intimidating targeted sections of voters, creating local tensions, conditioning staff for poll duties, enrolling additional voters or removing certain names from there etc. They too, alternatively encourage the bureaucracy to coin money with a view to remain vulnerable. In the due course, considerable segments of bureaucracy are encompassed into the politician – underworld – bureaucracy web. In its attempts to purge of the electoral procedure, the Election Commission has prohibited transfers and promotions with the announcement of election dates. Notwithstanding its importance, the same step is not quite effective as election preparations are generally undertaken much ahead in time. Despite the model code of conduct that has been even more rigidly implemented starting from the days of TN Seshan as the Chief Election Commissioner, all sorts of election malpractices continue to dog the Indian electoral system as witnessed in the State recently. Election scene in Manipur was rather more complex as many militant outfits were directly or indirectly involved in the process.

Electioneering, of course is a costly affair. Mass illiteracy being an important factor, a candidate is asked to make large scale personal intimations with the voters which employ enormous expenditure. The increasing distance of political parties from the people is another cause for making elections to be so costly in the present day. Transport, publicity and organizing the campaigners require huge amounts of money. The ambition to win an election at any cost and the ever deepening dependence on the muscle power in elections have facilitated unexpectedly large spending amassed through questionable methods, by the political parties and their candidates.

The distance between expenditures spent in an elections and legally constrained limit on spending is also enhancing amazingly. Ceilings on campaign expenses being limited, black money in shape of donation to election funds of political parties or influential leaders have assumed to be an admitted reality. About 90 per cent of all election funds are accrued from the big business houses in exchange for special favours or patronage. In Manipur it is the smugglers and contractors who were investing heavily in prospective candidates. What they expect in return is obviously a protective political shield against their not so legal or socially acceptable business enterprises. This does not only eliminate capable and efficient men and women from electoral contests in absence of financial backing but also fosters criminalization of politics.

Republic or Oligarchy

Mere conducting of elections periodically does not mean that we are republic and have an effective democracy. It is the way elections are held, the quality of people elected, their performances that would determine whether the existing political set-up is a republic or not. In current scenario, the widespread disillusion in the existing political system is quite comprehensible without any difficulty. Poverty, unemployment, illiteracy levels indicate the inefficiency of the political system. Even after 60 years of independence, people in this part of the country suffer from lack of basic amenities in life. It was reported that if a law is passed as to those with criminal and corruption charges are to be disqualified then around 93 MPs and 10 Ministers in Dr Manmohan Singh’s ministry stand disqualified.

Acts of the Indian State particularly elections in Manipur and North East is a sheer hypocrisy. These are not elections but periodical systematic selection of the most suitable politically uneducated politicians who work for personal profits and interests in the name of public office. The whole election drama is a pre – arranged and pre- determined ritual of the ruling class which is sine qua non for continuance of the existing system. With all the processes of election and ruling the State confined within a small clique of super-rich and powerful people, the notion of India being a republic takes a beating before the concept of oligarchy. The Election Commission of India has now ruled out any more re-poll in Manipur which means candidates who manipulated the poll process to the maximum enjoy far greater chances of winning the elections. Then where does the idea of republic fit in the whole scheme of Indian electoral system. Having said all these, we can only add, as someone said, politics is the last refuge of a scoundrel and many more scoundrels.

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, February 26, 2012

A Viewpoint on Imphal City & Traffic Problems

Traffic congestion in and around the Khwai bazaar is the direct result of unsystematic and short-sighted character of the state’s planners, whoever they may be Transport Department or Traffic Police. No experiments can reduced the congestion in the said area, as proved by various experiments in the past, unless we are able to see certain things deeper and clearly. The present step so called ‘only pedestrian zone’ taken up by City Police and State Transport Department has resulted in untold inconveniences to the public. Inconveniences and suffering have become the faith accompli of our public, every developmental projects, traffic norms have brought inconveniences and lots of mental anxiety to the public rather than comfort and happiness. Take for instance the case of Sewerage Project, this project has given dust, unnecessary headache, anxiety and lots of inconveniences to the passers-by. In fact, either the State or the executing agency or both ought to compensate for all these unnecessary troubles meted out to public and for their undue delay in completing these projects.

Sometimes it is better not to disturb an existing order of things, if the disturbances or changes might bring more trouble and suffering than the status quo. It is absolutely vital to bear this thing in the minds of policy planners, more so when the outcome is unpredictable. The present step of ‘only pedestrian zone’, in spite of its stated objective of reducing traffic congestion in and around Khwai bazaar thereby giving breathing space to the public, only ended up giving more trouble and inconveniences to the public. Yes, it definitely serve a purpose that the current step called ‘only pedestrian zone’ will certainly provide free running space for all the babus, high ranking officers, state forces, army and paramilitary officials for they are out of the purview of ‘only pedestrian zone’ norm. What a joke ! What a mockery of democracy, rule of law and principle of equality. It is absolutely nonsense to make public suffer in the name of the public. In Manipur, a habitual tendency has developed among these officials/persons that they are above law and laws are meant for ordinary mundane called public and so called public also seem to have reconciled to this idea. It is a common sight and experience that all the said officials and babus violate traffic norms at their own sweet will, whether it is one way or no parking zone norm. They stop their vehicles right in the middle of the road, sometimes obstructing regular flow of traffic. Now time has come for our babus and law enforcers to obey traffic norms for it is meant for all and appropriate concerned authority to book those violators irrespective of their official positions. If the Indian democracy is not a casteist democracy and upholds equality of rights among all citizens as declared in its constitution, do not make Khwai bazaar an elite cluster zone. Make it a public space as it is meant to be. If certain norms must be followed, apply them to all with the inevitable exception of those officials who are absolutely necessary for enforcement of those norms and regulations.

Why Congestion?

It is important to trace out the reasons for traffic congestion or problem in the said area in order to draw up a sensible and suitable policy. Look around the Khwai bazaar, entire Manipur is here. Imphal city in general and Khwai bazaar in particular is all in one. Three important centres merged in the area. This area of Imphal is not only historical and cultural zone but also political and commercial capital of the state. All the important centres/offices such as Kangla, Mapal Kangjeibung, Governor’s Residence and Office, State secretariat, Chief Minister’s Bungalow, quarters of MLA’s, Judges, State Assembly, many banks (SBI, UBI, ICICI, Punjab National Bank, UBI, MSCB, AXIS etc.), are located within the three kilometre radius of this area. Besides, national highways pass right in the heart of Imphal city. Can anyone tell us, which modern city has the reflection of unplanned and unsystematic order as Imphal does today? All these have made the area an awkward mosaic, a zone of hell for all of us. Therefore we have here a city without planning. It is therefore no surprising to see that all roads lead to this point.

Moreover there seems to be complete lack of coordination between Transport Department, Town Planning Department, Imphal Municipality Council etc. This is clearly reflected in the rampant construction of buildings, hotels without any parking slot attached to them as done in the malls in metros. For instance Nirmala hotel, Classic Hotel, Gambhir Singh Shopping centre do not have parking slots. Moreover most of the banks and offices also do not have parking slots. It is undeniable fact that all of them utilise public roads as their parking area. This is a clear indication of how norms and regulations are being violated in the most blatant manner by those influential and super-rich proprietors of big hotels, private hospitals, shopping malls etc, etc. This need to be checked strictly and strict application of required RR is called for. Until mindset of the ruling babus and planners cannot see beyond this area, this area will never rest/free from congestion. More congestion and anarchy is the fate of Imphal city in the coming years if those at the helm of affairs do not learn to think pragmatically without further delay. No city on earth can bear the burden of such a conglomeration of important centres on a limited space of just around two square kilometres .

Some comments and suggestions

First, we must painfully concede that in Manipur, suggestions and comments are never meant for taking due considerations and accommodation but for throwing in the dustbin of offices. But until the policy planners take up certain radical steps and adopt a qualitative outlook, Imphal City and its core zone i.e Khwai bazaar area will soon become more congested, suffocating and unbelievable hell for its dwellers. A policy should be formulated not on the basis of intention but on the basis of findings after systematic, scientific and surgical research and surveys of the issue, problems and facts and materials surrounding them. It certainly calls for seeing and doings things beyond conventional pattern of doing things.

First step in this direction is the prevention of further concentration of malls, offices and shops in the said area and proper planning for developing new market areas as done in the metros. A city that does not grow and expand will certainly die. This unavoidable fact need to be understood and properly taken care of.

Secondly, politico- administrative centre including their offices should be shifted from the said area in and around the outskirt zones of Imphal area. If the State Assembly, Secretariate, Governor’s Residence along with offices, quarters and bungalow be shifted in suitable places of the Imphal area this would not only reduce traffic congestion but also decentralise development.

Thirdly, some of the important nationalised banks should be immediately shifted from the Khwai area in multiple directions in appropriate places so as to reach their services to various sections of the public. There is no reason as to why all the important and large banks should be located in and around Paona Keithel, Thangal Keithel and M.G. Avenue. It is another matter if their sole purpose is to serve those traders in the said areas more conveniently and not for the entire public.

Fourthly, the national highway 39 ( now NH 2) which passes right in the middle of the city’s core zone be diverted immediately.

Fifthly, IMC, Town Planning Department should strictly see to prevent rampant construction of buildings by enforcing necessary RR.

Sixthly, two pedestrian over-bridges should be constructed immediately at both ends of the flyover so as to enable pedestrians to cross the road without disturbing flow of traffic as well as avoiding risk for casualty.

Transport Department also equally need to work pro-actively to see that Manipur do not become dumping ground/destination for old vehicles as is being witnessed today.

Until such time we should stop doing things at ad-hoc and piecemeal basis, which only lead to untold misery and suffering to the public. As pointed above, if our policy makers and planners do not go beyond conventional thinking pattern, this city will never be free from congestion, traffic or otherwise and gradually it would die a suffocating death.

One more thing our policy makers and law enforcing agencies should always bear in mind is, the public are neither guinea pigs nor Imphal city a laboratory. Please don’t make another blunder in the name of solving traffic problems by adopting another hit and trial method. At the best, the new traffic regulations are nothing short of prescribing medicines without ever diagnosing the ailments. We would not talk about the result for it is there for every one to see. Let’s bear the pain, it’s only a trial !

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, February 19, 2012

Election or Solution: Dilemma of the Manipuri Nagas

The Double Standard

Calling it as an act of imposition by the Indian State, NSCN (IM) boycotted the 12th Lok Sabha Election in Manipur in 1997. On February 10, 1998, the outfit expressed appreciation and gratitude to its frontal organizations consisting of the Naga Hoho, United Naga Council (UNC), Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights, Naga Students’ Federation, Naga Mother Associations, Naga Village Chiefs’ Federation, Concerned Citizens Forum, Naga GB Federations and Church leaders, etc. for endorsing their wish and in asserting the national rights of the Naga people by keeping away from the elections. Subsequently, as a follow up to their line of thinking (i.e. calling the Indian elections as impositions), the 7th Manipur Assembly Election in 2000 and the 13th Lok Sabha Election in 2002 held in the state of Manipur were also boycotted. However, the clarion call given by NSCN-IM in terms of boycotting the elections in the name of Naga interests and national rights of the Nagas went to deaf ears to many “other” Nagas, as many Nagas jumped into the election fray, and in fact rightfully became representatives of the Nagas in the Manipur State Assembly. This is particularly true especially in the case of the Tangkhuls, the kindred tribe of Thuingaleng Muivah, who had been actively engaged in the electoral politics of Manipur.

Although NSCM (IM) had given the call to boycott the “imposed” elections by the Indian State in the state of Manipur, it started taking a keen interest beginning with the 8th Manipur Assembly elections. For the first time, the outfit dictated the terms of elections by giving decrees related to the choice of candidates, pattern of voting and others pertaining to the Nagas. A heightened and reckless interference was observed during the 14th Lok Sabha election. Once the “choice” candidates won the elections, the outfit used them (MPs, MLAs) to pursue their goal of Greater Nagaland. Today, one has witnessed the climax of direct interference by NSCN (IM), which even the Home Minister has acknowledged, resulting in re-poll of the 10th Manipur State Assembly elections in many of the Naga dominated areas (polling stations), such as Chandel, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Senapati districts of Manipur. In addition to unleashing UNC like a wild buffalo to win support for the Naga People’s Front, the outfit used violent means to terrorize and win support. Three poll personnel, one CRPF personnel and two civilians were killed by NSCN (IM) cadres. News of abduction and torture by the outfit continue to pour in.

A note of double standard on the part of NSCN (IM) is easily discernable as far as the issue of election is concerned in Manipur; on one hand, the outfit proclaims the elections as impositions by the Indian State and thus the clarion call to boycott, and on the other hand, it picks their “choice” candidates to serve their own interests. It will not be wrong to state that the politics of boycott undertaken by NSCN (IM) is just a masquerade to fool the Nagas.

Electoral Politics as the Ends in Itself

One pertinent question that needs addressing is, why NSCN (IM), the oldest insurgent outfit in the Northeast region, is jumping into the election fray even in an indirect manner? The answer lies in the nature of the peace process between NSCN (IM) and Indian State. Although details of peace process is a tightly guarded secret but tell-tale signs of the peace process leading nowhere is visible. Neither the issue of Greater Nagaland nor sovereignty finds any significant place in the whole scope of the peace process. Instead, a muddled concept like Suprastate is suggested to solve the vexed Naga problem. That the Naga movement under the leadership of NSCN (IM) has reached a dead end was honestly aired by SC Jamir (Seven Sisters’ Post) and clearly exemplified in the manner in which the entourage of Th. Muivah and Isaac Swu was stopped by the Assam Rifles at Bade village on January 15, 2012 on their way to Zunheboto. The incident struck a stark similarity with the Mao incident in Manipur where Muivah was prohibited to visit his native village at Ukhrul, except it did not create a political fiasco other than old Muivah rendering a hurt press release!

The manner in which NSCN (IM) is slowly co-opted by the Indian State within its fold is not a new one. Scholars such as Gunnar Myrdal and Selig Harringson stand to bite dust, the former for calling India as a “soft state” in terms of its inability to bring about a decent growth rate other than the “Hindu growth rate” and the latter for predicting that democracy stands to fail in India and after that, after two decades or so from independence a military or dictatorship will rule over India. India has proved to be strong state. Take for instance, it can not only deploy its defence personnel wherever it likes but can also control it; plus have a glimpse at its defence spending. Using the same and grandly equipped with the electoral device, centrifugal forces such as the Akali Dal of Punjab, Dravida Kazakam of Tamil Nadu, Mizo National Front, Gorkha National Liberation Front and others were not only co-opted but also drawn into electoral parties. Parties in Jharkhand and Telegana, who earlier voiced separation from India are new victims of co-optation. For each co-opted organizations including NSCN (IM), the obvious alternative is making elections as ends in themselves to exploit own interests.

It is an undeniable fact that in such a situation the Manipuri Nagas (active NSCN-IM cadres and well-wishers) are in a dilemma. To make the situation more complex, they do not want themselves to be called as Nagas of Manipur. However, the contradiction is, the Nagas of Nagaland address them as Manipuris and never welcomed them as pure Nagas. Coming out of such a dilemma in an honourable way (voluntary or forced exit from Nagaland) demands creating a political space for themselves in Manipur, especially so for the new political class of leaders (NSCN-IM). The first task then is ending the political career of Naga leaders who have been engaged in the electoral politics of the state “traditionally”. Here we use the word “traditionally” to denote engagement with the Manipur politics before the inception of Naga People’s Front, and those Nagas who are not related with this party in any manner. So, through the vehicle of NPF and fully backed by NSCN (IM), they are engaged in the politics of Manipur to create a space for themselves in two ways as stated above; end the political career of traditional Naga politicians as well as fill up the political space as reservoirs. As SC Jamir has observed, on account of lack of honesty on the part of NSCN-IM leadership, the issue of greater Nagaland is used to exploit the sentiment of the Nagas of Manipur as well as to conceal their true colour. That joining electoral politics is a compulsion is left for people to guess without revealing the real situation for fear of reprisal.

Thus, as a first initiative to create a political space for them, the 9th State Assembly Election was an opportunistic moment for these Nagas of Manipur. UNC, a mouth piece of NSCN (IM), nominated candidates in all the Naga inhabited districts of Manipur with the sole aim of Naga Unification. A resolution was taken on August 3, 2006 wherein all prospective Naga candidates promised not to be associated with any national political parties. 60 candidates signed the declaration. A common platform known as as United Naga Democratic Front was formed to contest in the election and 11 candidates was nominated. In order to facilitate their candidates, the UNC served an ultimatum on January 24, 2007 to withdraw the candidature of those who had not been nominated by the UNC. But, the declaration of UNC turn out to be insignificant as out of 11 Naga candidates nominated, only six managed to win. Similarly, in the Lok Sabha Election of 2009 the UNC sponsored candidate was defeated. This clearly indicates that the UNC playing the emotional card to create a space is no longer valid.

As a second initiative, UNC came up with the idea of “Alternative Arrangement” which was resolved in the Naga People’s Declaration held at Senapati on July 1, 2010. In the same declaration, a decision was taken to “severe ties with the Government of Manipur”. The Declaration further explained that the “Alternative Arrangement” was sought to fill the vacuum/gap created in recent times, without substantiating what exactly was the vacuum/gap. The Declaration was observed as a “Naga People’s Mandate” but the Nagas of Manipur have now realised that the UNC do not carry the voice of the Naga people as they have failed on two occasions (see Yenning, “Alternative Arrangement and Nagas of Manipur”, The Sangai Express, December 12, 2011).

The latest attempt in the election fray by NSCN-IM and its frontal organizations is the 10th Manipur State Assembly elections. Realising their position, they lessened the activities on “Alternative Arrangement” and involved themselves “full swing” in the elections by supporting NPF. And we are familiar with how the story unfolded or rather ended by having a re-poll today.

This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, February 5, 2012