Three major ethnic groups viz; the Meiteis, Nagas and the Chin-Kuki-Mizos
(CHIKIM) are into political movements for separate politico-legal arrangements
from the Indian State. While in the case of the Meiteis its political demand is
articulated under the integrity of Manipur. Nevertheless it is a case of
sovereignty and independence from the Indian State, if one goes by the decades
old insurgency and its ultimate goal. In the case of the Nagas, after entering into
a political dialogue with the Government of India, it has scaled down from its
earlier demand of sovereignty to Greater Nagaland (under Constitution of India)
comprising of the Naga inhabited areas in India to that of a separate
alternative political arrangement only for the Nagas of Manipur outside the
Government of Manipur. And in the case of the Kukis, it is a case of demand for
statehood for the Kuki ethnic group (supposedly representing CHIKIM tribes of
Manipur) and equally backed by armed groups. But the situation of contradiction
among the communities cannot be simply understood from the ethnic perspectives
alone. The political vacuum created in (1949-1972) and (1980-2010); ‘politics
of isolation and engagement’ to address ethnic-centric demands and the
development perspectives which are inherited through the territorial claims are
major stumbling block for peacebuilding and conflict resolution in Manipur.
Political
Vacuum and Territorial Aspirations
The centralized administration (1949-72) of Manipur after her
annexation to India created a political vacuum in Manipur particularly in the
hill areas. The vacuum was created as the sole responsibility of administrating
Manipur was confined to the Government of India (GoI) appointed Chief
Commissioner based at Imphal. Manipur was granted statehood only in 1972.
During the 23 years of direct administration, the GoI not only failed to
deliver the administration but also disturbed the economy of the Manipur. For
instance, Manipur—which was the net exporter of huge rich surplus during the
colonial days was turned into a net importer after the annexation in 1949.
Similarly, the centralized planning during the time neglected agriculture,
which was its productive base, and industry. Manipur is now a dependent state
that serves as a captive market for products coming from the
rest of India. Most of the
industrial plan failed even before the insurgency became active in the late 70s.
In addition, the administration could not utilize the limited amount
sanctioned for the state.
Whatsoever the situation, the collective movement was witnessed during
the first decades of the controversial merger. For instance, during the height
of annexation, the Kuki Chiefs sent 250 warriors to guard the palace gates to
keep away Maharaja Budhachandra from signing the merger agreement. Tangkhul
leader, Yangmaso Shaiza was leading the movement for independence of Manipur
under the Manipur National Union in the early 50s. The Nagas of Manipur have
ignored the movement in the Naga Hills (Kamei 1993). Similarly an all-tribal
delegation went to Delhi in May 1970, demanding statehood of Manipur (Koireng
2007). But absence of governance and development for decades started
degenerating the collective movement and the tribals of Manipur who were
supporting the integrity of Manipur have started mobilizing for territorial
aspirations. Similarly, the non-tribal particularly the Meiteis intensified the
movement for right to self-determination.
CHIKIM Experience
The first ethnic aspiration for territoriality during the political
vacuum was visible during the height of Mizo National Front (MNF) of Mizoram.
The CHIKIM groups of Manipur under MNF raised the demand for integration of
CHIKIMs inhabitant areas to form the Greater Mizoram. It was an immediate
outcome of the Mizo rebellion under MNF of Laldenga. The tribals of Manipur
particularly the CHIKIM was of the impression that the armed movement was a
joint CHIKIMS affair encompassing the territories of Manipur, Assam, Tripura
and border areas of Burma. The 1963 conference at Churachandpur, Manipur
resolved MNF to integrate all the Mizos areas of Northeast into one
administrative unit. Churachandpur was one of the base camps for the MNF
movement. By the late seventies, the MNF’s had weakened and spate of surrenders
from its rank had been engineered by Mizoram Chief Minister, Thengpunga Sailo.
He formed the People’s Conference party that went on to win the elections. The
MNF started negotiating with the government of Assam/India. When Rajiv Gandhi
became the Prime Minister of India, he worked out a peace agreement in 1986,
amendable to the Mizo peoples and the MNF. The Mizo Hill was granted statehood
and MNF was accommodated in an interim power sharing with the congress that
was ruling at that time. The settlement between the GoI and MNF
has not taken into consideration the greater Mizoram issue and those who are
involved in the movement particularly from Manipur.
Naga Experience
The movement in the Naga Hills influenced the Nagas in Manipur and a few
of them even joined the movement in the late 50s. Simultaneously, few sections
of Nagas of Manipur formed the Manipur Naga Council in 1960 to support the
movement. But the aspirations of the Nagas of Manipur were ignored with the
creation of Nagaland State in 1963. They were not considered during the
negotiation as the movement was concentrated in the Naga Hills and there was no
significant involvement of the Nagas of Manipur. However, in 1964, the
cease-fire extension to the three sub-divisions of Manipur encouraged them
again. But the cease-fire was unilaterally revoked by the GoI in 1967. But the
question of territorial expansion was not very significant as the movement was
concentrated in Nagaland. It was only during the formation of National Socialist
Council of Nagalim/Nagaland (NSCN) that the territorial aspiration was visible
and more clearly after the split of NSCN into NSCN (Isak-Muivah) and NSCN
(Khaplang) in the late 80s which coincided with the Autonomous District Councils
(ADCs) going into a long period of hibernation in the hill districts of
Manipur. There are six ADCs in Manipur with 144 constituencies (24 per ADC).
Thus, it was the best opportunity for the NSCN to penetrate to the hills areas
as well as to consolidate their cadres and movement. Though, the government
institution was not functional, the development funds were surprisingly flowing
which became one of the sources for their movement. This situation gave the
opportunity to raise the fund as well as manpower by blaming it to the other community
particularly the Meiteis for underdevelopment. But, the decision to hold
election for ADC by the government of Manipur was shocking for the NSCN (IM)
which by now becomes weak and fragile. Some of the important reasons include
the fear of filling up the political vacuum which they have been enjoying for
decades. Not only filling the vacuum but the process of creating grassroots
leaders which will create conflict with their interest.
Politics
of Isolation and Engagement
The armed opposition groups (AOG) that belong to the three major
communities are in contradiction with the state at various intensities as
indicated earlier. However, the state is presently engaging with the other groups
except the Meiteis at different capacity. The CHIKIM with Suspension of
Operation (SoO) and Nagas are in ceasefire with the GoI with their base in
Nagaland.
Naga Experience
The GoI
after signing the ceasefire agreement in 1997 is engaging the NSCN (IM) to
resolve the issue but so far, after having more than 60 rounds of talks both in
India and abroad, the issue is yet to be resolved. Some even pointed out that,
it is not able to discuss the core demands effectively. The issue of
sovereignty has been negotiated to autonomy of Nagaland within the constitution
of India which has been more or less accepted by the NSCN (IM). The present
problem is the settlements of Manipur Nagas who have sacrificed their manpower
and resources for the movement. But with the failing of negotiation, the
history is repeating itself like that of CHIKIM after the MNF was forced to
settle with Mizoram state.
The
worrying factor is that the armed Nagas of Nagaland have
declared to resolve the movement by and for the Nagas of Nagaland. In the whole
process of negotiation, the state and the NSCM (IM) willingly or unwillingly
did not give any space to the civil society either from Nagaland or Manipur.
The state continues to engage with them, even after knowing that the issue will
not be addressed without the involvement of other Nagas AOG. This results in
difference among the Naga AOG that led to factional killings among themselves.
Presently, the major AOG in Nagaland are NSCN (K), NSCN (IM), NSCN (Khole-Kitovi)
& NNC. Besides, the AOG in Nagaland, the GoI have never consulted
Government of Manipur in the whole process of the negotiation since 1997. But,
when the NSCN (IM) demands are to be confined within Nagaland, the GoI
consulted the Government of Manipur in 2012 when they are not able to find an
honourable exit for the Manipur cadres of NSCN (IM). This situation portrayed
Manipur Government particularly the Meiteis as stumbling block to the NSCN (IM)
demand. Similar situation was created by the GoI in 2001 when they unilaterally
extend the ceasefire with NSCN (IM) to Manipur. So the GoI has successfully
diverted the attention and transformed the issue to that of inter-community
conflict. For instance, on February 6, 2013, Chief Minister of Nagaland Neiphiu
Rio openly declared “Chief Minister of Manipur is one of the biggest enemies of
the Naga people” in an election campaign at Dimapur, Nagaland.
CHIKIM Experience
The Ministry of Defense in a press release dated October 7, 2005,
disclosed that eight ‘Kuki’ and one ‘Zomi’ militant group in Manipur had
entered into an informal ‘ceasefire’ with the Union Government. The Manipur CM
stated that the ceasefire maintained between the “Indian security forces and
some Non-Naga insurgents” was not acceptable as it lacks the consent of the
state government. Subsequently, the SoO between the conglomerate groups of
CHIKIM outfits namely, the United Peoples’ Front (UPF), and the KNO, State
Government and the Central Government was signed at Delhi on 22 August 2008 by ensuring the territorial integrity
of Manipur.
However, their aspiration for the state was pressed through the Kuki
State Demand Committee (KSDC). But it was not sure whether they really want
statehood or was it some pressure tactics. The KSDC demanded to hold political
dialogue with the Kuki AOG by resorting to indefinite blockade. The KNO even threatened that they will not sign the agreement for
extension of SoO until GoI gives in written for initiating political dialogue. As a process of it, the GoI
appointed former
Intelligence Bureau (IB) director PC Haldar as interlocutor on February, 2013 (Huiyen Lanpao News, 2013). However, the demand of the KNO
via KSDC was a direct challenge to the United Naga Council’s (UNC) alternative
arrangement in Manipur. This has upset the UNC as the territorial claims are
conflicting with them and at the same time the GoI as per the demands of UNC is
also preparing to hold talk with the UNC. This clearly indicates that the GoI
is engaging both of them at the same time but in isolation and for the same
space as we all are aware that there is no district in Manipur which is
exclusively inhabited by a particular community. Such is the entangled web of
issues challenging any peace-building initiative.
This article was published in The Sangai Express on Sunday, May 19, 2013
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